Big Abortion: Planned Parenthood and Abortion Companies Make Billions Killing Babies

Recently, I used the term “Big Abortion” in an article and again during a public discussion. People laughed. Commentators scoffed. Social media critics treated the phrase as proof that pro-lifers had abandoned reason.

“Big Abortion?” they sneered. How ridiculous. How dramatic. How conspiratorial.

They found the term amusing because they had never bothered to consider the industry behind it. Their confidence rests on ignorance. They have never examined the money, the organizations, the training programs, the pharmaceutical companies, the donor networks, or the international agencies. Yet they felt entitled to ridicule those of us who have.

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In their absurdity, they picture a few neighborhood clinics staffed by selfless activists, struggling to keep the lights on while bravely protecting “choice.”

This is Big Abortion.

It is not one corporation with a president, a logo, and a corporate headquarters. It is a network. Several organizations perform the abortions. Others manufacture the pills. Another trains the abortionists. Another writes the medical guidelines. Another funds the research. Another sues states that protect unborn children. Another lobbies lawmakers. And most cynically, another teaches journalists which euphemisms to use.

Let’s start with Planned Parenthood. Its latest annual report describes an organization that provided more than 400,000 abortions in one year while reporting total revenue above $2 billion. Its federation also held billions in net assets. Not every dollar came from abortion, and no honest critic should claim otherwise. But abortion remains central to Planned Parenthood’s services, politics, fundraising, and public identity. Planned Parenthood does not hide that fact. Its own materials list abortion among the services it provides in person and online.

Planned Parenthood also operates through regional affiliates, advocacy groups, political organizations, educational programs, telehealth systems, and fundraising operations. When critics imagine a modest clinic, they overlook the financial and political machinery surrounding it.

Then come the independent abortion businesses, hospital programs, university medical centers, telehealth providers, online prescribers, and mail-order abortion operations. Chemical abortion has allowed the industry to move beyond the clinic. The woman hardly ever meets the person who prescribes the pills. She may receive them through the mail, take them alone, and endure the bleeding and pain at home.

The industry calls that progress.

Bit Abortion is also a business model. The drug manufacturer sells the product. The prescriber collects a fee. The telehealth company processes the transaction. The pharmacy ships the package. Advocacy organizations defend the arrangement, and lawyers rush to court when lawmakers try to regulate it. The clinic room may disappear, but the money does not. As I have written before, mail-order abortion amounts to a business model wrapped in activist language.

Big Abortion must also produce new abortionists. That is where the universities enter.

The Ryan Residency Training Program works to integrate abortion training into obstetrics and gynecology programs. Other UCSF-linked projects provide curricula, clinical training, and professional guidance designed to train physicians, nurses, midwives, and physician assistants in abortion procedures. One training resource explicitly describes “hands-on” clinical experience aimed at competence in early aspiration abortion.

This is not merely medical instruction. It builds an institutional pipeline.

Today’s resident becomes tomorrow’s professor. The professor trains more residents, publishes papers, joins professional associations, testifies before legislatures, and presents abortion advocacy as medical consensus. Universities give the movement prestige. Journals give it authority. Foundations pay for the work. The industry then cites the research produced by the institutions its donors helped build. The circle is vicious and bloody.

And this industrial complex stretches far beyond the United States.

The International Planned Parenthood Federation operates through member associations across the world. In 2024, IPPF reported delivering 6.5 million abortion-related services. That figure comes from IPPF itself, not from a pro-life watchdog.

MSI Reproductive Choices, formerly Marie Stopes International, operates clinics, mobile teams, public-sector partnerships, and international programs. Ipas trains providers, promotes abortion drugs, supports legal changes, and helps local groups build abortion systems inside national health structures. They also make a killing in manufacturing and selling MVA (manual vacuum aspiration) machines used for home abortions in underdeveloped nations.

These organizations rarely arrive waving a banner that says, “We are here to expand abortion.” They speak of reproductive health, rights, equality, development, and empowerment. The language sounds broad and compassionate. The policies that follow repeatedly weaken protections for children before birth.

UNFPA occupies another part of this network. It receives hundreds of millions of dollars from governments and private donors and works with reproductive-health organizations around the world. Not every UNFPA dollar supports abortion, and precision requires us to say so. Yet UNFPA promotes the broader “sexual and reproductive health and rights” framework that abortion advocates use in international negotiations, national health programs, and humanitarian policy. Its own reporting identifies governments, foundations, and other institutions as major sources of financial support.

Then there are the foundations. Wealthy donors finance abortion providers, legal organizations, research centers, medical training, advocacy campaigns, and international NGOs. Their grants determine which programs grow, which lawsuits proceed, which studies receive attention, and which activists gain influence.

Big Abortion also employs an army of lawyers, lobbyists, consultants, researchers, executives, communications specialists, and political operatives. Not all receive a fee for performing an abortion. Many receive salaries and grants because abortion remains a permanent political, legal, and commercial enterprise.

That is how an industrial complex works.

It manufactures the product. It trains the workforce. It protects the market. It controls the language. It pressures governments. It rewards allies. It attacks regulatory protections. It generates research supporting its own objectives.

And it removes the unborn child from every conversation.

The critics can keep sneering at the phrase “Big Abortion.” Their shrill cackles will not erase the financial reports, the drug companies, the training programs, the international federations, the foundations, or the political machinery. Facts destroy their ignorance and demolish their worldview.

Big Abortion exists. And the only person its defenders refuse to see is the child whose death keeps the machinery moving and the money rolling on in.

LifeNews.com Note: Raimundo Rojas is the Outreach Director for the National Right to Life Committee. He is a former president of Florida Right to Life and has presented the pro-life message to millions in Spanish-language media outlets. He represents NRLC at the United Nations as an NGO. Rojas was born in Santiago de las Vegas, Havana, Cuba and he and his family escaped to the United States in 1968.